The First World War had ramifying effects on the world including the people of Africa and Nigeria was not an exception. In the case of Nigeria, the colonial administration feared that Islam could be exploited to rally the defeated Muslims in Northern Nigeria against the British because of Turkish propaganda calling for jihad against infidels all over the world. This was the only major threat to British hold on Nigeria but by this time the Fulani rulers who were united in sharing with the British the booty of the Native Treasuries (Beit-el-mal) which were taxes on cattle (jangali) and crops had something in common. This commonality of interest between the colonial powers and the native rulers was to, by and large, draw a wedge between the Northern Effendiyyah and the educated elite in the south before and after independence and possibly till today.
The idea of native treasuries were extended to the South where it largely met resistance and even uprising in the East which had no hierarchy of chiefs because it was sociologically a chiefless or headless society or what anthropologists call an acephalous society and attempts to create chiefs among the Igbo by colonial administrators by giving warrants to some identified supporters to act as chiefs led to uprising in many parts of Igboland. In Yorubaland where there were chiefs, some of them were elevated beyond their traditional status.
This also led to armed resistance in upper Ogun area of former Oyo Empire.
The effects of the First World War were accompanied by several political and economic ramifications in Nigeria. The Nigerian soldiers and carriers came back with natural exaggerations of themselves in the face of enemy fire while their white colonial officers ran away. Their stories spread to their home cities and friends who demanded rights and better salaries and more respect from their rulers. Political parties initially confined to Lagos and other coastal cities like Calabar began to spread into the hinterland that by the outbreak of the Second World war, the demands and influence of the educated Nigerians in Lagos and the urban centres began to be echoed by illiterate Nigerians saying that service must deserve its rewards. Their leaders began to be known and cultivated by the colonial rulers and their bosses In London.
Newspapers that had been in reasonable numbers but whose interest and influence were confined to Lagos colony alone began to have wider readership and credibility in regional hubs and places like Ibadan, Abeokuta, Benin, Enugu, Port Harcourt, Kano, Bauchi, and Jos. The Second World War which began in 1939 and ended in 1945 began with a muffle but ended with a bang in terms of its influence in Nigeria. Tens of thousands of Nigerian troops fought under the Union Jack in the jungles of Burma against tough and intrepid Japanese troops sworn to fight for victory or death in defence of Japan and its emperor Hirohito and its people s ‘interest in Asia particularly in the pacific islands of the Philippines and Taiwan as well as mainland China, Korea and Burma. Nigerian troops saw action mostly in Burma.
On returning home, many of the ex-servicemen were courted by the main political parties in existence. Particularly, the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) which was formed in 1944 mainly by former students of Kings College who then surrendered leadership to Herbert Macaulay as president and the America-educated Nnamdi Azikiwe as Secretary General. The NCNC was like the various Rassemblement Africain in several French African countries. It was hoped it will be an umbrella political organisation for the various existing African parties some of them existing since the Lugardian years.
Unfortunately, this hope was not realised because Herbert Macaulay, the president of the NCNC died in 1948 and Azikiwe, the fiery journalist and nationalist took over and gave the leadership more élan and vigour but in the process, he was accused of leaning too much on Igbo tribal support. This led to the emergence of the Action Group which had its roots in the Egbe Omo Oduduwa formed in1950 and eventually the Action Group (AG) by Obafemi Awolowo, a journalist and trade unionist in 1951 and the Northern Peoples Congress, NPC ( jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa or JMA.
These two parties representing the West and the Northern peoples tried unsuccessfully to make the NCNC look as a tribal Igbo party without effect until independence in Nigeria.
The issue of tribalism or ethnic differences have largely ruined the success of the country. It has infected our politics to the extent that people either vote along ethnic lines and where they tried to look at issues rationally and nationally, they are immediately slapped back into supposedly tribal redoubts or ostracized as traitors or saboteurs. There is widespread rigging of votes to enhance ethnic figures in the census which are usually rigged because revenue sharing is tied to census. This is a problem that affects states creation, education, financial allocation and inability to have genuine democracy and stability which have been the bane of our society.
The constitution which was a negotiated federal constitution before independence has been undermined by the military dictatorship egged on by civilian politicians who have less than noble or patriotic motives. Most of the political problems Nigeria has had since independence are traceable to tribalism or ethnic parochialism.
Example of this can be seen in the Action Group crisis of 1961 to 1963 which split the party into two rival groups which indirectly led to the incarceration in 1963, of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the then leader of opposition in the federal parliament. The ruling NCNC/ NPC coalition government combined the forces of the tribally rooted Northern politicians and their collaborators from the Eastern Region to remove Awolowo from the political scene.
.Awolowo may have been ambitious, but it is doubtful that he would have tried to violently overthrow the federal government of Nigeria with a few party toughies trained in Kwame Nkrumah’s WINNEBA ideological school where the likes of Samuel Grace Ikoku, a former Secretary General of the Action Group was a lecturer. The evidence presented at the famous trial for reasonable felony were not overwhelming enough to condemn a major political leader without upsetting the equilibrium of the country and its stability. The reaction of the people of the West got to a crescendo in 1965 when the Chief S.L. Akintola’s government which was obviously unpopular, decided to manipulate the voting process when the Deputy Premier Chief Remi Fani-Kayode boasted that whether the people voted for their party or not “… angels would vote for them” took laws into their hands, burning and looting while the cabinet prepared for the worst.
When some elements in the army struck at dawn of January 15, 1966 ,some of the ministers felt that their opponents were behind the “attempted coup d’état while the BBC radio network was telling the whole world that there had been an attempted coup and the prime minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa seemed to have been kidnapped and two regional premiers namely Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Chief S.L.Akintola, the Are ona Kakanfo of Yoruba land had been killed and many senior army officers seemed to have been killed. When the news were confirmed, and regional and ethnic dimensions of the killings were analysed, the original cheering for the army putsch petered out in fear of what may happen because Nigeria had never seen anything like this before. The counter coup of July 1966 about half a year later appeared as if the equation was balanced by the number of army officers who were killed. But sadly the situation got out of hands when the pogroms against the Igbo in the North began and the whole country became destabilised setting the stage for the three year civil war after the mediation by Ghanaian military leaders failed and General Gowon on return from the Aburi reconciliation meeting in Ghana, appeared to have been outflanked by those who wanted to militarily sort out the issue.
Going to war was a terrible denouement for which Nigeria is yet to recover. Previous opportunities for Nigeria to be more united had been missed in 1954 and 1959 to form a forward looking governments and the July coup of 1966 tragically followed the same trajectory.
